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<P><FONT SIZE=2>Peter and other colleagues/comrades<BR>
<BR>
Is there a recent critical analysis of the ILO's Decent Work campaign, apart from the one Peter wrote some time back? I want something that critically engages with the concept, its definition (especially recent debates within the ILO around this), its political implications (e.g does it enhance or preclude possibilities of broader coalitions between unions and social movts; the formal sector and the informal sector etc).<BR>
<BR>
best wishes for the festive season (remember its pagan origins and respond appropriately), and a revolutionary new year!<BR>
<BR>
Devan<BR>
----------------------------------------------<BR>
Devan Pillay<BR>
Associate Professor<BR>
Department of Sociology<BR>
School of Social Sciences<BR>
University of the Witwatersrand<BR>
Johannesburg, South Africa<BR>
+11 7174425<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
-----Original Message-----<BR>
From: Peter Waterman [<A HREF="mailto:p.waterman@inter.nl.net">mailto:p.waterman@inter.nl.net</A>]<BR>
Sent: Mon 12/22/2008 17:12<BR>
To: Dave Hollis; nigd-list@nigd.org; WSFDiscuss List; Jai Sen; Jai Sen; Elsa Duhagon; bsantos@fe.uc.pt; costello.gls@gmail.com; GuyStanding@standingnet.com; newunionism@gmail.com; ericlee@labourstart.org; ginavargas@telefonica.net.pe; Andrej Grubacic; Andreas.Bieler@nottingham.ac.uk; aguiton@gmail.com; bfletcher@transafricaforum.org; dave_spooner@wiego.org; d.chavez@mac.com; Dirk.Kloosterboer@vc.fnv.nl; Edward Webster; fdove@tni.org; François Houtart; Henning Melber; hilary1@manc.org; immanuel.wallerstein@yale.edu; jean.pierre.page@gmail.com; johnholloway@prodigy.net.mx; j.wills@qmul.ac.uk; kimscipes@earthlink.com; kjeld@os.org.br; kolyaab@yahoo.co.uk; magnus.wennerhag@soc.lu.se; M.Deangelis@btinternet.com; Mike.Waghorne@world-psi.org; nicola_bullard@yahoo.com; Devan Pillay; Raphael@democraciaglobal.org; R.Hyman@lse.ac.uk; R.P.Munck@liverpool.ac.uk; Sakhela Buhlungu; stellan.vinthagen@globalstudies.gu.se; w.bello@focusweb.org<BR>
Subject: The Present and Future of the Labour and Globalisation Network in the WSF<BR>
<BR>
L&GWSF-B4Belem191208<BR>
<BR>
THE LABOUR AND GLOBALISATION NETWORK IN THE WORLD SOCIAL FORUM:<BR>
RE-ORIENTATION NEEDED<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
1.With a month or so to go before Belem, I would like to see a revival<BR>
of discussion on the 'Labour and Globalisation' network(s) within the<BR>
WSF. This is because I am suffering a certain dis-orientation.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
2.This may be due in part to difficulties with the List, reported by<BR>
Marco recently. It certainly is in part due to my being off-list for a<BR>
month or more, and to being now in Lima but on a strange machine (Asus<BR>
EEE, with Linux and a spare Spanish keyboard that produces<BR>
US/International characters). It may have something to do with the<BR>
existence of the two lists, an ESF and WSF one, or of two overlapping<BR>
*networks*, one for each forum focus. It may, finally, be due primarily<BR>
to expressed differences on the list about the nature of one or both of<BR>
these networks.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
3.In any of these cases, I think that *simplification* and<BR>
*clarification* are called for. Otherwise, it seems to me, confusion and<BR>
cross-purposes will continue and, alongside such, an inability to<BR>
address a broader public. This will leave the activities and discussion<BR>
in the hands of the few most highly motivated and, even amongst these,<BR>
of those with the funding to attend the most forums/consultations/meetings.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
4.By *simplification* I guess I mean the need one common project<BR>
(evidently operating at different levels or in different regions, and<BR>
striking different notes) and one online list - which could hopefully<BR>
allow for or develop different foci or discussion threads.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
5.By *clarification* I mean the necessity to report and comment on<BR>
meetings. A report does not require one official set of agreed minutes -<BR>
as in a formal organisaton - since there might be several such. What it<BR>
implies is an account of what happened, addressed to a possibly<BR>
interested public, but one which was not present. As for *comment*, this<BR>
would imply that interested participants would provide the rest of us<BR>
with their understanding of what was and/or should be going on. Some of<BR>
this has emerged in the exchange over Malmo. But this is, to my<BR>
recollection, the first such. And the nature of the mis/understanding<BR>
raises the next issue.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
6.This issue is that of the purpose and process of the L&G network(s).<BR>
This remains quite vague to me and it is possible that this vagueness<BR>
might have led to the misunderstanding expressed on the list. It may be<BR>
that some participants wish it to be a labour equivalent of the WSF<BR>
itself, meaning a site of dialogue, producing no policies. Some may see<BR>
it more like a conference, producing policies or proposals for action,<BR>
in which different organisations are represented and can have a veto -<BR>
or that there might be majorities and minorities rather than consensus.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
7.My own position may have been suggested by my document on a Global<BR>
Labour Charter Project/Campaign. I have spoken to this at one or two L&G<BR>
events and, I think, have posted it on one or other of the lists. What<BR>
this document was intended to imply is the necessity for an emancipatory<BR>
labour initiative, meaning one that is post-capitalist in orientation,<BR>
autonomous from existing political, union or ideological bodies,<BR>
networked, action-oriented and dialogical. I also consider that the<BR>
existing network urgently needs a more distinctive (from everything and<BR>
everyone else using the same descriptive title!) name. I have proposed<BR>
one or two, including 'The Emancipation of Labour' or 'Labour and Global<BR>
Social Emancipation'.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
8.The above is anyway the kind of body I think is necessary. It does not<BR>
matter too much whether the present WSF labour network(s) are or are not<BR>
open to such an orientation or at least to discussion on such. If they<BR>
are not, I will be obliged to either abandon my orientation, postpone<BR>
it, or take it elsewhere, within, around or somewhere else in the<BR>
broader global justice movement.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
9.However, I do take encouragement from various other bodies within or<BR>
around the WSF. These include Via Campesina, the World March of Women,<BR>
the Feminist Dialogues and, most recently, The Belem Ecosocialist<BR>
Declaration <A HREF="http://links.org.au/node/803">http://links.org.au/node/803</A>. All of these seem to me, in<BR>
their admitedly rather different ways, to represent more of a chalenge,<BR>
or provide more of a leadership, to the community within which they<BR>
exist as well as to the global justice movement more generally.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
10.I note, further, that much of the new thinking or discussion on<BR>
labour and social movements - or labour as a social movement - takes<BR>
place anywhere except on our list or in our occasional meetings. I will<BR>
mention here only one<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
Mimmo Porcarro, 'Labour and Life',<BR>
<A HREF="http://74.125.45.132/search?q=cache:03PthwiHMkAJ:www.transform.it/socialismo-xxi/work-and-life+mimmo+porcaro&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=2">http://74.125.45.132/search?q=cache:03PthwiHMkAJ:www.transform.it/socialismo-xxi/work-and-life+mimmo+porcaro&hl=en&ct=clnk&cd=2</A><BR>
<BR>
<BR>
This item, which is not strategy oriented, nonetheless raises major<BR>
questions about the present nature and future of our movement. And,<BR>
therefore, of a network that intends to lead or transform such.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
11.I attach, for information, my GLC proposal. This is not because it<BR>
represents in my mind anything more than a personal one (tho it has been<BR>
and is being reproduced across the web, mostly on social-movement sites<BR>
that are not labour-specific). It is attached here not as a challenge to<BR>
the trade-union movement in general but to the L&G network in<BR>
particular. It may also contain some challenging references! I am<BR>
simultaneously circulating it to a number of other groups or individuals<BR>
who might be interested in it, or prepared to express an opinion on it.<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
12.Responses, however critical, would be welcome. As would, of course,<BR>
any alternative views on the present and future of L&G<BR>
<BR>
Peter Waterman<BR>
Lima<BR>
221208<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
GLCMMalmoEd/Words: 2,640/Updated: 070908<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
NEEDED: A GLOBAL LABOUR CHARTER MOVEMENT<BR>
<BR>
A Work in Progress<BR>
<BR>
(For the European Social Forum, Malmo, September 2008)<BR>
<BR>
Peter Watermaniii<BR>
p.waterman@inter.nl.net<BR>
<BR>
[T]he material basis for international working-class solidarity is<BR>
greater than at any point since the development of capitalism.<BR>
Nevertheless, the existence of a material basis does not ensure success.<BR>
Movement from the general recognition that international solidarity is a<BR>
good to its realisation will require changes in ideological orientations<BR>
as well as practical programmatic steps.[.]To bring social justice<BR>
unionism into existence, we must change not only the leadership of<BR>
existing organised labour but also the relationship between the existing<BR>
trade union movement and other progressive social forces.<BR>
(Bill Fletcher Jr and Fernando Gapasin 2008)<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
Like any movement under attack, labour generally resists as disloyal<BR>
critical thinking that challenges established tenets and practices. But<BR>
today that won't do. Now more than ever we need a free and open debate<BR>
about the future of labour, a debate that respects a full range of<BR>
opinions and perspectives. Launching such a debate would be a good first<BR>
step in labour's revival.<BR>
<BR>
(Global Labour Strategies 2008)<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
The disappearance of utopia brings about a static state of affairs in<BR>
which man himself becomes no more than a thing. We would then be faced<BR>
with the greatest paradox imaginable.After a long, torturous, but heroic<BR>
development, just at the highest stage of awareness, when history is<BR>
ceasing to be blind fate, and is becoming more and more man's own<BR>
creation, with the relinquishment of utopia, man would lose his will to<BR>
shape history and therewith his ability to understand it. iv<BR>
(Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia, 1929-31)<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
Preamble<BR>
<BR>
The idea of a Global Labour Charter Movement comes out of both<BR>
desperation and hope. The desperation is due to seeing the labour<BR>
movement, in North, South, East or West, still on the defensive due to<BR>
(despite?) the severe, multiple and continuing attacks delivered by<BR>
contemporary capitalism. Not only has the union movement largely<BR>
forgotten its early emancipatory inspiration and utopian hopes. Even the<BR>
old adage that 'the best means of defence is attack' seems unfamiliar to<BR>
labour's international leadership.<BR>
<BR>
The desperation is due - more specifically - to the international<BR>
unions' continued attempt to get back to a mythologised utopia of social<BR>
harmony (the reality of which is surely responsible for labour's current<BR>
predicament). This backward-looking utopianism is represented in the<BR>
current 'Decent Work' campaign <A HREF="http://www.decentwork.org/">http://www.decentwork.org/</A>. DW promotes<BR>
the archaic West-European paradise of 'social partnership' between<BR>
Labour, Capital and State. It has simply hoisted this to the global<BR>
level. DW is no sense a union or labour movement project: it has been<BR>
adopted, lock, stock and two smoking barrels, from the Geneva-based<BR>
International Labour Organisation. And this is an inter-state body<BR>
(castigated by a former insider (Standing 2008) for its multiple<BR>
incapacities in the face of globalisation!). DW, finally, reproduces a<BR>
traditional imperial relationship, since it is being promoted by the<BR>
West to the Rest. Its sponsors and funders are West European<BR>
social-reformist unions and NGOs.plus the neo-liberal European Union!<BR>
<BR>
Hope comes from seeing new energy and vision within the global justice<BR>
and solidarity movement (GJ&SM), for example in the international rural<BR>
labour movement, Via Campesina. Despite all the imaginable difficulties<BR>
confronting the self-organisation of rural labour, this body has<BR>
developed a holistic vision of its social position, of its enemies, of<BR>
an alternative future. It has demonstrated assertive global strategies<BR>
and sophisticated relational practices (internal and external) that have<BR>
made it a leading actor in the GJ&SM and led to widespread public<BR>
recognition and support (Desmarais 2007, Waterman 2008a). Hope also<BR>
comes from signs of assertion and innovation closer to the traditional<BR>
labour movement, and from new thinking within and about such (Fletcher<BR>
Jr and Gapasin 2008, Gallin 2003, Huws 2008, Ince 2007, Waterman 2007,<BR>
Research Committee 44 2008, Bieler, Lindberg and Pillay 2008). As well<BR>
as from efforts to specify a necessary and desirable post-capitalist<BR>
utopia - and how it might be reached. (Networked Politics 2008,<BR>
Adamovsky 2005, 2007, Dwyer-Witheford 2007, Sousa Santos 2006-7, Spannos<BR>
2008).<BR>
<BR>
Propositions<BR>
<BR>
1.The idea of a GLCM is to develop a charter, declaration or manifesto<BR>
on labour, relevant to all working people, under the conditions of a<BR>
radically transformed and highly aggressive capitalism, neo-liberalised,<BR>
networked and globalised.<BR>
<BR>
2.The proposing of such a charter has, however, been provoked by a<BR>
couple of other international labour declarations (Bamako Appeal 2006,<BR>
Labour Platform for the Americas 2006). A common limitation of these<BR>
otherwise very different documents is that they were initially produced<BR>
and issued for acceptance or endorsement, by union leaderships or<BR>
intellectual elites, without previous discussion by union members,<BR>
shopfloor or community activists themselves. The GLC project is,<BR>
however, also inspired by a women's one, the Women's Global Charter for<BR>
Humanity (2004), produced after worldwide discussion by one of the<BR>
newest mobilising social movements. (Verdičre 2006, Conway 2007).<BR>
<BR>
3. In so far as the GLC project is addressed to the emancipation of<BR>
life from work (work here meaning labour for capital and state, empire<BR>
and patriarchy), it implies articulating (both joining and expressing)<BR>
labour struggles with those of other oppressed and exploited social<BR>
categories, people and peoples - particularly those previously<BR>
unrecognised workers, women and peasants/farmers. The existence of the<BR>
GJ&SM, best known through the World Social Forum (WSF) process, makes<BR>
such articulation increasingly possible.<BR>
<BR>
4. Its title could be the 'Global Labour Charter Movement' (or GLCM21).<BR>
'Charter' reminds us of one of the earliest radical-democratic<BR>
labour-popular movements of industrial capitalism, the British Chartists<BR>
(Thompson 1984) 'Movement' reminds us that the development of such a<BR>
declaration is a process and requires the self-mobilisation of workers.<BR>
<BR>
5. Such a process needs to reveal its origins and debts. These are not<BR>
only to early labour history. They are also to the new forms of labour<BR>
self-organisation (by, within and beyond unions), to the shopfloor,<BR>
urban and rural labour networks (local, national, international), to the<BR>
pro-labour NGOs (labour service organisations), and to a growing wave of<BR>
labour education, to (electronic) communication and to research<BR>
responding to the global crisis of the labour movement (Waterman 2007).<BR>
<BR>
6. The novel principle of such a charter should be its conception as a<BR>
'virtuous spiral' - that it be thought of not as a single, correct,<BR>
final declaration, which workers, peoples and other people simply<BR>
endorse (though endorsement could be part of the process), as for its<BR>
processal, dialogical and developing nature. This notion would allow for<BR>
it to be begun, paused and joined at any point. Such a process would<BR>
require at least the following elements: information/communication,<BR>
education, dialogue, (re-) formulation, action, evaluation, information.<BR>
<BR>
7. It is the existence of cyberspace (the internet, the web, online<BR>
audio-visuals) that makes such a Global Labour Charter for the first<BR>
time conceivable. We have here not simply a new communications<BR>
technology but the possibility for developing non-hierarchical,<BR>
dialogical, equal relations worldwide. The process will be<BR>
computer-based because of the web's built-in characteristics of<BR>
feedback, its worldwide reach, its low and decreasing cost. An<BR>
increasing number of workers and activists are in computerised work, are<BR>
familiar with information and communication technology and have web<BR>
skills. Given, however, uneven worker computer access, such a process<BR>
must also be intensely local, imply and empower outreach, using the<BR>
communication methods appropriate to particular kinds of labour and each<BR>
specific locale. (See: Networked Politics).<BR>
<BR>
8. Networking can and must ensure that any initiators or coordinators<BR>
do not become permanent leaders or controllers. There is a growing<BR>
international body of fulltime organisers and volunteer activists, both<BR>
within and beyond the traditional inter/national unions, experienced in<BR>
the GJ&SM, who could provide the initial nodes in such a network.<BR>
Networking also, however, allows for there to be various such labour<BR>
charters, in dialogue with each other. Such dialogue should be<BR>
considered a normal and even necessary part of the process and avoid the<BR>
authority, dependency or passivity associated with traditional<BR>
manifestos. (See, again, Networked Politics).<BR>
<BR>
9. If this proposal assumes the crisis of the traditional trade unions,<BR>
it should be clear that it simultaneously represents an opportunity for<BR>
them. This is for a reinvention of the form of labour self-articulation,<BR>
as has occurred more than once in the history of capitalism (from guilds<BR>
to craft unions, from craft to inter/national industrial unions). By<BR>
abandoning what is an increasingly imaginary power, centrality or<BR>
privilege, unions could simultaneously reinvent themselves and become a<BR>
necessary and significant part of a movement for social emancipation<BR>
worldwide. The form or forms of such a reinvention will emerge precisely<BR>
out of a continuing dialogue, the dialectic between organisational and<BR>
networking activities.<BR>
<BR>
10.Starting with the first edition(s) of any GLC, there could develop<BR>
globally-agreed demands and campaigns, with these having emancipatory<BR>
(arguably subversive, empowering, socially transformatory) implications<BR>
for those involved. Rather than increasing their dependence on capital,<BR>
state, patriarchy, empire, any GLC must increase their solidarity with<BR>
other popular and radically-democratic sectors/movements.<BR>
<BR>
11.Any such campaigns must, however, be seen as not carved in stone but<BR>
as collective experiments, to be collectively evaluated. They should<BR>
therefore be dependent on collective self-activity, implying global<BR>
solidarity, as with the international 19th century campaign (never<BR>
universally implemented) for the eight-hour day<BR>
<A HREF="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eight-hour_day">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eight-hour_day</A>. There is a wide range of<BR>
imaginable issues (of which the following are hypothetical examples, in<BR>
no necessary order of priority):<BR>
A Six-Hour Day, A Five-Day Week, A 48-Week Year, thus distributing<BR>
available work more widely, reducing overwork (see <A HREF="http://www.swt.org/">http://www.swt.org/</A>).<BR>
Global Labour Rights, including the right to strike and inter/national<BR>
solidarity action, but first consulting workers - including migrants,<BR>
precarious workers, unpaid carers ('housewives'), the self-employed, the<BR>
unemployed - on their priorities; and secondly by prioritising<BR>
collective struggles and creative activity over leadership lobbying.<BR>
<A HREF="http://laborrightsblog.typepad.com/">http://laborrightsblog.typepad.com/</A> international_<BR>
labor_right/2006/11/about_this_blog.html.<BR>
A Global Basic Income Grant, independent of any obligation to work, and<BR>
asserting the right to life over the obligation to work<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.basicincome.org/bien/aboutbasicincome.html">http://www.basicincome.org/bien/aboutbasicincome.html</A>.<BR>
A Centennial Reinvention of the ILO in 2019, raising labour<BR>
representation from 25 to 50 percent, and simultaneously sharing the<BR>
raised percentage with non-unionised workers (Standing 2008);<BR>
A Global Campaign for Useful Work, reaching beyond conditions of, or at<BR>
work ('Decent Work') to deal with useful production,<BR>
socially-responsible consumption, environmental<BR>
sustainability/restoration (Morris 2008,<BR>
<A HREF="http://libcom.org/history/1976-the-fight-for-useful-work-at-lucas-aerospace">http://libcom.org/history/1976-the-fight-for-useful-work-at-lucas-aerospace</A>.<BR>
<BR>
All in Common, a campaign for the defence and extension of forms of<BR>
common ownership and control (thus challenging both the privatisation<BR>
process and capitalist ownership in general), Waterman 2004,<BR>
<A HREF="http://turbulence.org.uk/">http://turbulence.org.uk/</A> turbulence-1/commonism/, ;<BR>
A reinvention of Mayday as a Global Labour and Social Movements<BR>
Solidarity Day (consider the innovations introduced by precarious<BR>
workers in Europe and by immigrant labour in the USA)<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.euromayday.org/about.php">http://www.euromayday.org/about.php</A>, <A HREF="http://www.mayday2007.org/;">http://www.mayday2007.org/;</A><BR>
Support to the principle of Solidarity Economics and the practice of the<BR>
Solidarity Economy, i.e. production, distribution, exchange that<BR>
surpasses the competitive, divisory, hierarchical, growth-fixated,<BR>
wasteful, polluting, destructive principles of capitalism. (Miller 2006,<BR>
Mance 2007)<BR>
A Global Emancipation of Labour Forum, as part of, or complementing, the<BR>
World Social Forum, an assembly open to all working people,<BR>
organizations, intellectuals/artists and movements, organised<BR>
autonomously from the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the<BR>
Global Unions. If not in a geographical place then in cyberspace. (Reese<BR>
and Chase-Dunn 2008, Waterman 2001, 2008).<BR>
A website/portal coordinating information and ideas oriented toward the<BR>
emancipation of labour, covering research, education, audio-visuals, and<BR>
other resources; to have such a title as 'The Global Labour Charter',<BR>
'The Global Emancipation of Labour', 'Moving Labour Globally'; to be<BR>
open to sponsorship but autonomous of all organisations and ideologies;<BR>
open on equal footing to all; to have a preferential option for globally<BR>
marginalised workers and regions; to have a transformatory purpose and<BR>
be open in governance and operation. (Compare here: Choike, Global<BR>
Labour Strategies, New Unionism, Union Ideas Network, E-Library for<BR>
Social Transformation, Union Renewal, Rebelión, etc).<BR>
[Fill at will]<BR>
<BR>
12.This proposal is clearly marked by its origin, in terms of its<BR>
author's 'subject position', place of birth/residence, age, language,<BR>
etc. It is, however, issued under the principle of CopyLeft. It can<BR>
therefore be adapted, replaced, challenged, rejected and, obviously,<BR>
ignored. Its only requirement (or hope) is that it be discussed.<BR>
References/resources:<BR>
<BR>
Adamovsky, Ezequiel. 2005. 'Diez diferencias entre la Izquierda<BR>
tradicional y el nuevo anticapitalismo' (Ten Differences between the<BR>
Traditional Left and the New Anti-capitalism), in Anticapitalismo para<BR>
principiantes: La nueva generación de movimientos emancipatorios. Buenos<BR>
Aires: Era Naciente.<BR>
Adamovsky, Ezequiel. 2007. 'Zehn Unterschiede zwischen der<BR>
traditionellen Linke under dem neuen Antkapitalismus' (Ten Differences<BR>
between the Traditional Left and the New Anti-capitalism), in<BR>
Antikapitalismus fuer Alle, fuer Alle.Die neue Generation<BR>
emanzipatorischer Bewegungen. Berlin: Karl Dietz Verlag.<BR>
Bamako Appeal. 2006. <A HREF="http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/bamako.html">http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/bamako.html</A><BR>
Bieler, Andreas, Ingemar Lindberg and Devan Pillay (eds). 2008. Labour<BR>
and the Challenges of Globalization : What Prospects for International<BR>
Solidarity. London: Pluto.<BR>
Choike - Global Labour Rights:<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/1872.html">http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/1872.html</A><BR>
Conway, Janet. 2007. 'Transnational Feminisms and the World Social<BR>
Forum: Encounters and Transformations in Anti-Globalisation Spaces'.<BR>
Journal of International Women's Studies Vol. 8 No. 3. Pp. ????.<BR>
Desmarais, Annette. 2007. La Via Campesina: Globalisation and the Power<BR>
of Peasants. London: Pluto Press.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.openspaceforum.net/twiki/tiki-read_article">http://www.openspaceforum.net/twiki/tiki-read_article</A>.<BR>
php?articleId=440, <A HREF="http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/files/Waterman%">http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/files/Waterman%</A> 20<BR>
international %20labour.pdf.<BR>
Dwyer-Witheford, Nick. 2007. 'Commonism', Turbulence: Ideas for<BR>
Movement, No. 1. <A HREF="http://turbulence.org.uk/turb_june2007.html">http://turbulence.org.uk/turb_june2007.html</A><BR>
E-Library for Social Transformation: <A HREF="http://www.openelibrary.info/main.php">http://www.openelibrary.info/main.php</A><BR>
Fletcher, Bill Jr. and Fernando Gapasin. 2008. Solidarity Divided: The<BR>
Crisis in Organised Labour and a New Path Toward Social Justice.<BR>
Berkeley: University of California Press.<BR>
Gallin, Dan. 2003. 'Note on the International Sex Workers' Movement'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www">http://www</A>.<BR>
globallabour.info/en/2007/09/note_on_the_international_sex.html.<BR>
Global Labour Strategies. 2008. 'Labour's Dead: Long Live Labour!<BR>
<A HREF="http://labor">http://labor</A><BR>
strategies.blogs.com/global_labor_strategies/2008/08/it-has-been-dec.html#more.<BR>
<BR>
Global Labour Strategies: <A HREF="http://laborstrategies.blogs.com/">http://laborstrategies.blogs.com/</A><BR>
Huws, Ursula (ed). 2008. Break or Weld? Trade Union Responses to Global<BR>
Value Chain Restructuring. London: Merlin Press.<BR>
Ince, Anthony. 2007. 'Beyond 'Social Movement Unionism'? Understanding<BR>
and Assessing New Wave Labour Movement Organising', <A HREF="http://uin.org.uk/">http://uin.org.uk/</A><BR>
content/view/244/125/<BR>
Labour's Platform for the Americas. 2006. <A HREF="http://www.gpn.org/research/">http://www.gpn.org/research/</A><BR>
orit2005/index.html.<BR>
Mance, Euclides André. 2007. 'Solidarity Economics'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://turbulence.org">http://turbulence.org</A>. uk/turbulence-1/solidarity-economics/.<BR>
Miller, Ethan. 2006. 'Other Economies are Possible!',<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.zmag.org/znet/view">http://www.zmag.org/znet/view</A> Article/3239<BR>
Networked Politics. 2008. 'A Contribution to the WSF Strategy<BR>
Consultation from the Discussions of 'Networked Politics. Review on the<BR>
Networked Politics Discussions in the Light of the reflection on the WSF<BR>
strategy. Contribution to the Debate on WSF Future at the International<BR>
Council of the WSF (March 2008).<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.networked-politics.info/where-we-are/">http://www.networked-politics.info/where-we-are/</A>.<BR>
New Unionism: <A HREF="http://www.newunionism.net/">http://www.newunionism.net/</A><BR>
Rebelión: <A HREF="http://www.rebelion.org/">http://www.rebelion.org/</A><BR>
Reese, Ellen. and Chase-Dunn, Christopher. 2008. 'Labor Activists and<BR>
the World Social Forum: Challenging Neoliberalism, Building<BR>
International Labor Solidarity, and Strengthening Labor-Community<BR>
Alliances'. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 49th<BR>
Annual Convention, Bridging Multiple Divides, Hilton San Francisco, San<BR>
Francisco, CA, USA, <A HREF="http://www.allacademic.com/">http://www.allacademic.com/</A> meta/p251059_index.html.<BR>
Research Committee 44. 2008. 'First ISA Forum of Sociology, Sociological<BR>
Research and Public Debate, Barcelona, Spain, September 5-8, 2008,<BR>
Programme of Research Committee 44: Labour Movements. Theme:<BR>
Re-Empowering the Labour Movement'. (Email received August 31).<BR>
Sousa Santos, Boaventura de. (Ed). 2006-7. Reinventing Social<BR>
Emancipation: Towards New Manifestoes. London: Verso. 4 Voumes.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.versobooks.com/books/">http://www.versobooks.com/books/</A> cdef/d-titles/de_sousa_production.shtml<BR>
Spannos, Chris (Ed). 2008. Real Utopia: Participatory Society for the<BR>
21st Century. Chicago: AK Press.<BR>
Standing, Guy. 'The ILO: An Agency for Globalisation?', Development and<BR>
Change, Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 355-84.<BR>
Thompson, Dorothy. 1984. The Chartists: Popular Politics in the<BR>
Industrial Revolution. New York: Pantheon.<BR>
Union Ideas Network: <A HREF="http://www.uin.org.uk/">http://www.uin.org.uk/</A><BR>
Union Renewal: <A HREF="http://unionrenewal.blogspot.com/">http://unionrenewal.blogspot.com/</A><BR>
Verdičre, Brigitte. 2006. 'Elaboration of the Charter' (Personal<BR>
Communication, May 15).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2001. 'Nine Reflections on a Communications<BR>
Internationalism in the Age of Seattle'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.choike.org/documentos/waterman2008/011">http://www.choike.org/documentos/waterman2008/011</A> globalisation.pdf<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2003. 'All in Common: A New/Old Slogan for Labour<BR>
Internationalism', <A HREF="http://www.commoner.org.uk/waterman06.pdf">http://www.commoner.org.uk/waterman06.pdf</A>.<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2006. 'Hacia un movimiento para una carta laboral<BR>
global', Revista Cultura y Trabajo (Medellín), No. 69, October.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.ens.org.co/">http://www.ens.org.co/</A> articulos.htm?x=20150756&cmd[111]=c-1-69<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2007. 'International Labour Studies (UK) in the Light<BR>
of Social Justice and Solidarity (Globally)' (Draft).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2008a. 'What a 21st Century Labour International Looks<BR>
Like?' (in draft).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2008b. 'Is the World Social Forum the Privileged Space<BR>
for Reinventing Labour as a Global Social Movement?' in Judith Blau, and<BR>
Marina Karides (eds.) The World and US Social Forums: A Better World Is<BR>
Possible and Necessary.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.brill.nl/default.aspx?partid=210&pid=29086">http://www.brill.nl/default.aspx?partid=210&pid=29086</A><BR>
Women's Global Charter for Humanity. 2004. <A HREF="http://www.worldmarch">http://www.worldmarch</A><BR>
ofwomen.org/qui_nous_sommes/charte/en<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
<BR>
Preamble<BR>
<BR>
The idea of a Global Labour Charter Movement comes out of both<BR>
desperation and hope. The desperation is due to seeing the labour<BR>
movement, in North, South, East or West, still on the defensive due to<BR>
(despite?) the severe, multiple and continuing attacks delivered by<BR>
contemporary capitalism. Not only has the union movement largely<BR>
forgotten its early emancipatory inspiration and utopian hopes. Even the<BR>
old adage that 'the best means of defence is attack' seems unfamiliar to<BR>
labour's international leadership.<BR>
<BR>
The desperation is due - more specifically - to the international<BR>
unions' continued attempt to get back to a mythologised utopia of social<BR>
harmony (the reality of which is surely responsible for labour's current<BR>
predicament). This backward-looking utopianism is represented in the<BR>
current 'Decent Work' campaign <A HREF="http://www.decentwork.org/">http://www.decentwork.org/</A>. DW promotes<BR>
the archaic West-European paradise of 'social partnership' between<BR>
Labour, Capital and State. It has simply hoisted this to the global<BR>
level. DW is no sense a union or labour movement project: it has been<BR>
adopted, lock, stock and two smoking barrels, from the Geneva-based<BR>
International Labour Organisation. And this is an inter-state body<BR>
(castigated by a former insider (Standing 2008) for its multiple<BR>
incapacities in the face of globalisation!). DW, finally, reproduces a<BR>
traditional imperial relationship, since it is being promoted by the<BR>
West to the Rest. Its sponsors and funders are West European<BR>
social-reformist unions and NGOs.plus the neo-liberal European Union!<BR>
<BR>
Hope comes from seeing new energy and vision within the global justice<BR>
and solidarity movement (GJ&SM), for example in the international rural<BR>
labour movement, Via Campesina. Despite all the imaginable difficulties<BR>
confronting the self-organisation of rural labour, this body has<BR>
developed a holistic vision of its social position, of its enemies, of<BR>
an alternative future. It has demonstrated assertive global strategies<BR>
and sophisticated relational practices (internal and external) that have<BR>
made it a leading actor in the GJ&SM and led to widespread public<BR>
recognition and support (Desmarais 2007, Waterman 2008a). Hope also<BR>
comes from signs of assertion and innovation closer to the traditional<BR>
labour movement, and from new thinking within and about such (Fletcher<BR>
Jr and Gapasin 2008, Gallin 2003, Huws 2008, Ince 2007, Waterman 2007,<BR>
Research Committee 44 2008, Bieler, Lindberg and Pillay 2008). As well<BR>
as from efforts to specify a necessary and desirable post-capitalist<BR>
utopia - and how it might be reached. (Networked Politics 2008,<BR>
Adamovsky 2005, 2007, Dwyer-Witheford 2007, Sousa Santos 2006-7, Spannos<BR>
2008).<BR>
<BR>
Propositions<BR>
<BR>
13.The idea of a GLCM is to develop a charter, declaration or manifesto<BR>
on labour, relevant to all working people, under the conditions of a<BR>
radically transformed and highly aggressive capitalism, neo-liberalised,<BR>
networked and globalised.<BR>
<BR>
14.The proposing of such a charter has, however, been provoked by a<BR>
couple of other international labour declarations (Bamako Appeal 2006,<BR>
Labour Platform for the Americas 2006). A common limitation of these<BR>
otherwise very different documents is that they were initially produced<BR>
and issued for acceptance or endorsement, by union leaderships or<BR>
intellectual elites, without previous discussion by union members,<BR>
shopfloor or community activists themselves. The GLC project is,<BR>
however, also inspired by a women's one, the Women's Global Charter for<BR>
Humanity (2004), produced after worldwide discussion by one of the<BR>
newest mobilising social movements. (Verdičre 2006, Conway 2007).<BR>
<BR>
15. In so far as the GLC project is addressed to the emancipation of<BR>
life from work (work here meaning labour for capital and state, empire<BR>
and patriarchy), it implies articulating (both joining and expressing)<BR>
labour struggles with those of other oppressed and exploited social<BR>
categories, people and peoples - particularly those previously<BR>
unrecognised workers, women and peasants/farmers. The existence of the<BR>
GJ&SM, best known through the World Social Forum (WSF) process, makes<BR>
such articulation increasingly possible.<BR>
<BR>
16. Its title could be the 'Global Labour Charter Movement' (or<BR>
GLCM21). 'Charter' reminds us of one of the earliest radical-democratic<BR>
labour-popular movements of industrial capitalism, the British Chartists<BR>
(Thompson 1984) 'Movement' reminds us that the development of such a<BR>
declaration is a process and requires the self-mobilisation of workers.<BR>
<BR>
17. Such a process needs to reveal its origins and debts. These are not<BR>
only to early labour history. They are also to the new forms of labour<BR>
self-organisation (by, within and beyond unions), to the shopfloor,<BR>
urban and rural labour networks (local, national, international), to the<BR>
pro-labour NGOs (labour service organisations), and to a growing wave of<BR>
labour education, to (electronic) communication and to research<BR>
responding to the global crisis of the labour movement (Waterman 2007).<BR>
<BR>
18. The novel principle of such a charter should be its conception as a<BR>
'virtuous spiral' - that it be thought of not as a single, correct,<BR>
final declaration, which workers, peoples and other people simply<BR>
endorse (though endorsement could be part of the process), as for its<BR>
processal, dialogical and developing nature. This notion would allow for<BR>
it to be begun, paused and joined at any point. Such a process would<BR>
require at least the following elements: information/communication,<BR>
education, dialogue, (re-) formulation, action, evaluation, information.<BR>
<BR>
19. It is the existence of cyberspace (the internet, the web, online<BR>
audio-visuals) that makes such a Global Labour Charter for the first<BR>
time conceivable. We have here not simply a new communications<BR>
technology but the possibility for developing non-hierarchical,<BR>
dialogical, equal relations worldwide. The process will be<BR>
computer-based because of the web's built-in characteristics of<BR>
feedback, its worldwide reach, its low and decreasing cost. An<BR>
increasing number of workers and activists are in computerised work, are<BR>
familiar with information and communication technology and have web<BR>
skills. Given, however, uneven worker computer access, such a process<BR>
must also be intensely local, imply and empower outreach, using the<BR>
communication methods appropriate to particular kinds of labour and each<BR>
specific locale. (See: Networked Politics).<BR>
<BR>
20. Networking can and must ensure that any initiators or coordinators<BR>
do not become permanent leaders or controllers. There is a growing<BR>
international body of fulltime organisers and volunteer activists, both<BR>
within and beyond the traditional inter/national unions, experienced in<BR>
the GJ&SM, who could provide the initial nodes in such a network.<BR>
Networking also, however, allows for there to be various such labour<BR>
charters, in dialogue with each other. Such dialogue should be<BR>
considered a normal and even necessary part of the process and avoid the<BR>
authority, dependency or passivity associated with traditional<BR>
manifestos. (See, again, Networked Politics).<BR>
<BR>
21. If this proposal assumes the crisis of the traditional trade<BR>
unions, it should be clear that it simultaneously represents an<BR>
opportunity for them. This is for a reinvention of the form of labour<BR>
self-articulation, as has occurred more than once in the history of<BR>
capitalism (from guilds to craft unions, from craft to inter/national<BR>
industrial unions). By abandoning what is an increasingly imaginary<BR>
power, centrality or privilege, unions could simultaneously reinvent<BR>
themselves and become a necessary and significant part of a movement for<BR>
social emancipation worldwide. The form or forms of such a reinvention<BR>
will emerge precisely out of a continuing dialogue, the dialectic<BR>
between organisational and networking activities.<BR>
<BR>
22.Starting with the first edition(s) of any GLC, there could develop<BR>
globally-agreed demands and campaigns, with these having emancipatory<BR>
(arguably subversive, empowering, socially transformatory) implications<BR>
for those involved. Rather than increasing their dependence on capital,<BR>
state, patriarchy, empire, any GLC must increase their solidarity with<BR>
other popular and radically-democratic sectors/movements.<BR>
<BR>
23.Any such campaigns must, however, be seen as not carved in stone but<BR>
as collective experiments, to be collectively evaluated. They should<BR>
therefore be dependent on collective self-activity, implying global<BR>
solidarity, as with the international 19th century campaign (never<BR>
universally implemented) for the eight-hour day<BR>
<A HREF="http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eight-hour_day">http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Eight-hour_day</A>. There is a wide range of<BR>
imaginable issues (of which the following are hypothetical examples, in<BR>
no necessary order of priority):<BR>
A Six-Hour Day, A Five-Day Week, A 48-Week Year, thus distributing<BR>
available work more widely, reducing overwork (see <A HREF="http://www.swt.org/">http://www.swt.org/</A>).<BR>
Global Labour Rights, including the right to strike and inter/national<BR>
solidarity action, but first consulting workers - including migrants,<BR>
precarious workers, unpaid carers ('housewives'), the self-employed, the<BR>
unemployed - on their priorities; and secondly by prioritising<BR>
collective struggles and creative activity over leadership lobbying.<BR>
<A HREF="http://laborrightsblog.typepad.com/">http://laborrightsblog.typepad.com/</A> international_<BR>
labor_right/2006/11/about_this_blog.html.<BR>
A Global Basic Income Grant, independent of any obligation to work, and<BR>
asserting the right to life over the obligation to work<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.basicincome.org/bien/aboutbasicincome.html">http://www.basicincome.org/bien/aboutbasicincome.html</A>.<BR>
A Centennial Reinvention of the ILO in 2019, raising labour<BR>
representation from 25 to 50 percent, and simultaneously sharing the<BR>
raised percentage with non-unionised workers (Standing 2008);<BR>
A Global Campaign for Useful Work, reaching beyond conditions of, or at<BR>
work ('Decent Work') to deal with useful production,<BR>
socially-responsible consumption, environmental<BR>
sustainability/restoration (Morris 2008,<BR>
<A HREF="http://libcom.org/history/1976-the-fight-for-useful-work-at-lucas-aerospace">http://libcom.org/history/1976-the-fight-for-useful-work-at-lucas-aerospace</A>.<BR>
<BR>
All in Common, a campaign for the defence and extension of forms of<BR>
common ownership and control (thus challenging both the privatisation<BR>
process and capitalist ownership in general), Waterman 2004,<BR>
<A HREF="http://turbulence.org.uk/">http://turbulence.org.uk/</A> turbulence-1/commonism/, ;<BR>
A reinvention of Mayday as a Global Labour and Social Movements<BR>
Solidarity Day (consider the innovations introduced by precarious<BR>
workers in Europe and by immigrant labour in the USA)<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.euromayday.org/about.php">http://www.euromayday.org/about.php</A>, <A HREF="http://www.mayday2007.org/;">http://www.mayday2007.org/;</A><BR>
Support to the principle of Solidarity Economics and the practice of the<BR>
Solidarity Economy, i.e. production, distribution, exchange that<BR>
surpasses the competitive, divisory, hierarchical, growth-fixated,<BR>
wasteful, polluting, destructive principles of capitalism. (Miller 2006,<BR>
Mance 2007)<BR>
A Global Emancipation of Labour Forum, as part of, or complementing, the<BR>
World Social Forum, an assembly open to all working people,<BR>
organizations, intellectuals/artists and movements, organised<BR>
autonomously from the International Labour Organisation (ILO), and the<BR>
Global Unions. If not in a geographical place then in cyberspace. (Reese<BR>
and Chase-Dunn 2008, Waterman 2001, 2008).<BR>
A website/portal coordinating information and ideas oriented toward the<BR>
emancipation of labour, covering research, education, audio-visuals, and<BR>
other resources; to have such a title as 'The Global Labour Charter',<BR>
'The Global Emancipation of Labour', 'Moving Labour Globally'; to be<BR>
open to sponsorship but autonomous of all organisations and ideologies;<BR>
open on equal footing to all; to have a preferential option for globally<BR>
marginalised workers and regions; to have a transformatory purpose and<BR>
be open in governance and operation. (Compare here: Choike, Global<BR>
Labour Strategies, New Unionism, Union Ideas Network, E-Library for<BR>
Social Transformation, Union Renewal, Rebelión, etc).<BR>
[Fill at will]<BR>
<BR>
24.This proposal is clearly marked by its origin, in terms of its<BR>
author's 'subject position', place of birth/residence, age, language,<BR>
etc. It is, however, issued under the principle of CopyLeft. It can<BR>
therefore be adapted, replaced, challenged, rejected and, obviously,<BR>
ignored. Its only requirement (or hope) is that it be discussed.<BR>
References/resources:<BR>
<BR>
Adamovsky, Ezequiel. 2005. 'Diez diferencias entre la Izquierda<BR>
tradicional y el nuevo anticapitalismo' (Ten Differences between the<BR>
Traditional Left and the New Anti-capitalism), in Anticapitalismo para<BR>
principiantes: La nueva generación de movimientos emancipatorios. Buenos<BR>
Aires: Era Naciente.<BR>
Adamovsky, Ezequiel. 2007. 'Zehn Unterschiede zwischen der<BR>
traditionellen Linke under dem neuen Antkapitalismus' (Ten Differences<BR>
between the Traditional Left and the New Anti-capitalism), in<BR>
Antikapitalismus fuer Alle, fuer Alle.Die neue Generation<BR>
emanzipatorischer Bewegungen. Berlin: Karl Dietz Verlag.<BR>
Bamako Appeal. 2006. <A HREF="http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/bamako.html">http://mrzine.monthlyreview.org/bamako.html</A><BR>
Bieler, Andreas, Ingemar Lindberg and Devan Pillay (eds). 2008. Labour<BR>
and the Challenges of Globalization : What Prospects for International<BR>
Solidarity. London: Pluto.<BR>
Choike - Global Labour Rights:<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/1872.html">http://www.choike.org/nuevo_eng/informes/1872.html</A><BR>
Conway, Janet. 2007. 'Transnational Feminisms and the World Social<BR>
Forum: Encounters and Transformations in Anti-Globalisation Spaces'.<BR>
Journal of International Women's Studies Vol. 8 No. 3. Pp. ????.<BR>
Desmarais, Annette. 2007. La Via Campesina: Globalisation and the Power<BR>
of Peasants. London: Pluto Press.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.openspaceforum.net/twiki/tiki-read_article">http://www.openspaceforum.net/twiki/tiki-read_article</A>.<BR>
php?articleId=440, <A HREF="http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/files/Waterman%">http://www.ukzn.ac.za/ccs/files/Waterman%</A> 20<BR>
international %20labour.pdf.<BR>
Dwyer-Witheford, Nick. 2007. 'Commonism', Turbulence: Ideas for<BR>
Movement, No. 1. <A HREF="http://turbulence.org.uk/turb_june2007.html">http://turbulence.org.uk/turb_june2007.html</A><BR>
E-Library for Social Transformation: <A HREF="http://www.openelibrary.info/main.php">http://www.openelibrary.info/main.php</A><BR>
Fletcher, Bill Jr. and Fernando Gapasin. 2008. Solidarity Divided: The<BR>
Crisis in Organised Labour and a New Path Toward Social Justice.<BR>
Berkeley: University of California Press.<BR>
Gallin, Dan. 2003. 'Note on the International Sex Workers' Movement'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www">http://www</A>.<BR>
globallabour.info/en/2007/09/note_on_the_international_sex.html.<BR>
Global Labour Strategies. 2008. 'Labour's Dead: Long Live Labour!<BR>
<A HREF="http://labor">http://labor</A><BR>
strategies.blogs.com/global_labor_strategies/2008/08/it-has-been-dec.html#more.<BR>
<BR>
Global Labour Strategies: <A HREF="http://laborstrategies.blogs.com/">http://laborstrategies.blogs.com/</A><BR>
Huws, Ursula (ed). 2008. Break or Weld? Trade Union Responses to Global<BR>
Value Chain Restructuring. London: Merlin Press.<BR>
Ince, Anthony. 2007. 'Beyond 'Social Movement Unionism'? Understanding<BR>
and Assessing New Wave Labour Movement Organising', <A HREF="http://uin.org.uk/">http://uin.org.uk/</A><BR>
content/view/244/125/<BR>
Labour's Platform for the Americas. 2006. <A HREF="http://www.gpn.org/research/">http://www.gpn.org/research/</A><BR>
orit2005/index.html.<BR>
Mance, Euclides André. 2007. 'Solidarity Economics'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://turbulence.org">http://turbulence.org</A>. uk/turbulence-1/solidarity-economics/.<BR>
Miller, Ethan. 2006. 'Other Economies are Possible!',<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.zmag.org/znet/view">http://www.zmag.org/znet/view</A> Article/3239<BR>
Networked Politics. 2008. 'A Contribution to the WSF Strategy<BR>
Consultation from the Discussions of 'Networked Politics. Review on the<BR>
Networked Politics Discussions in the Light of the reflection on the WSF<BR>
strategy. Contribution to the Debate on WSF Future at the International<BR>
Council of the WSF (March 2008).<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.networked-politics.info/where-we-are/">http://www.networked-politics.info/where-we-are/</A>.<BR>
New Unionism: <A HREF="http://www.newunionism.net/">http://www.newunionism.net/</A><BR>
Rebelión: <A HREF="http://www.rebelion.org/">http://www.rebelion.org/</A><BR>
Reese, Ellen. and Chase-Dunn, Christopher. 2008. 'Labor Activists and<BR>
the World Social Forum: Challenging Neoliberalism, Building<BR>
International Labor Solidarity, and Strengthening Labor-Community<BR>
Alliances'. Paper presented at the annual meeting of the ISA's 49th<BR>
Annual Convention, Bridging Multiple Divides, Hilton San Francisco, San<BR>
Francisco, CA, USA, <A HREF="http://www.allacademic.com/">http://www.allacademic.com/</A> meta/p251059_index.html.<BR>
Research Committee 44. 2008. 'First ISA Forum of Sociology, Sociological<BR>
Research and Public Debate, Barcelona, Spain, September 5-8, 2008,<BR>
Programme of Research Committee 44: Labour Movements. Theme:<BR>
Re-Empowering the Labour Movement'. (Email received August 31).<BR>
Sousa Santos, Boaventura de. (Ed). 2006-7. Reinventing Social<BR>
Emancipation: Towards New Manifestoes. London: Verso. 4 Voumes.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.versobooks.com/books/">http://www.versobooks.com/books/</A> cdef/d-titles/de_sousa_production.shtml<BR>
Spannos, Chris (Ed). 2008. Real Utopia: Participatory Society for the<BR>
21st Century. Chicago: AK Press.<BR>
Standing, Guy. 'The ILO: An Agency for Globalisation?', Development and<BR>
Change, Vol. 39, No. 3, pp. 355-84.<BR>
Thompson, Dorothy. 1984. The Chartists: Popular Politics in the<BR>
Industrial Revolution. New York: Pantheon.<BR>
Union Ideas Network: <A HREF="http://www.uin.org.uk/">http://www.uin.org.uk/</A><BR>
Union Renewal: <A HREF="http://unionrenewal.blogspot.com/">http://unionrenewal.blogspot.com/</A><BR>
Verdičre, Brigitte. 2006. 'Elaboration of the Charter' (Personal<BR>
Communication, May 15).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2001. 'Nine Reflections on a Communications<BR>
Internationalism in the Age of Seattle'.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.choike.org/documentos/waterman2008/011">http://www.choike.org/documentos/waterman2008/011</A> globalisation.pdf<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2003. 'All in Common: A New/Old Slogan for Labour<BR>
Internationalism', <A HREF="http://www.commoner.org.uk/waterman06.pdf">http://www.commoner.org.uk/waterman06.pdf</A>.<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2006. 'Hacia un movimiento para una carta laboral<BR>
global', Revista Cultura y Trabajo (Medellín), No. 69, October.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.ens.org.co/">http://www.ens.org.co/</A> articulos.htm?x=20150756&cmd[111]=c-1-69<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2007. 'International Labour Studies (UK) in the Light<BR>
of Social Justice and Solidarity (Globally)' (Draft).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2008a. 'What a 21st Century Labour International Looks<BR>
Like?' (in draft).<BR>
Waterman, Peter. 2008b. 'Is the World Social Forum the Privileged Space<BR>
for Reinventing Labour as a Global Social Movement?' in Judith Blau, and<BR>
Marina Karides (eds.) The World and US Social Forums: A Better World Is<BR>
Possible and Necessary.<BR>
<A HREF="http://www.brill.nl/default.aspx?partid=210&pid=29086">http://www.brill.nl/default.aspx?partid=210&pid=29086</A><BR>
Women's Global Charter for Humanity. 2004. <A HREF="http://www.worldmarch">http://www.worldmarch</A><BR>
ofwomen.org/qui_nous_sommes/charte/en<BR>
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